By Richard Gandari
Zimbabwe is a constitutional democracy, at least in theory. In practice, it is a repressive society led by a hybrid regime.
The façade of freedoms offered by the only government Zimbabweans have known since independence, is reluctantly granted with one hand and quickly taken away by the other. The net effect is that Zimbabwe is actually an outpost of tyranny in which citizens are oppressed by a hegemonic, totalitarian government. The Harare regime’s much touted Vision 2030 is simply a centenary milestone of retrogression back to Hitler’s NAZI Germany of the 1930s or Mussolini’s Fascist Italy of the same era.
There is no empirical evidence on the ground nor hidden anywhere, that by 2030, Zimbabwe will indeed be an upper middle-income economy. In fact, there is tangible evidence to suggest that under the bungling ZANU PF administration, things are set to get worse. Such evidence does not come from ‘detractors’ but emanates from the government’s very own Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General, in a series of damning reports. The reports on corruption, embezzlement and maladministration would be enough to make heads roll in normal societies but not in Zimbabwe. The challenge with a hybrid regime is that it allows damning reports to be published in order to give a semblance of concern over corruption in government, while the rot continues unabated.
Condemning ZANU PF can no longer force the rogue regime to alter its ways and do what is right for Zimbabwe. After 43 years of literally getting away with murder, the hegemonic political party simply does not care about its battered image anymore. To ZANU PF, critics are just mosquitoes buzzing outside a treated mosquito net. The party’s first secretary, one Emerson Mnangagwa calls his critics, “barking dogs” whose only raison d’être is to bark. The barking dog label is generously extended to anyone opposed to ZANU PF and its ruinous policies. The list includes opposition cadres, unpatriotic journalists, independent political analysts, meddling diplomats and ordinary sellouts. In recent times the list has widened to include heads of election observer missions and western puppet presidents from neighboring countries.
How such a status quo has remained unchallenged is an indictment on Zimbabwe’s opposition parties as a collective. The blanket weakness dogging Zimbabwean opposition parties is their penchant to bury their heads in the sand like ostriches in search of instant gratification. Many, like the trailblazing Sengezo Tshabangu, just enjoy their high-sounding titles and greetings in the market. Whether elected, appointed, anointed or self-made, they are all carpet knights and keyboard warriors. When it comes to pragmatic, grassroots mobilization they are all Philistines. Having no genuine membership, they approach elections on the strength of random supporters. It is hard to call some of them parties without disrespecting search parties looking for lost puppies in public parks.
Strategically, there is no substitute for grassroots mobilization. From its members, a political party can explicitly demand votes. On the contrary, nothing compels supporters to vote for any given political party. That is the chasm separating ZANU PF from opposition parties. The ruling party has card-carrying, paid-up members and structures from the politburo right down to the cell in every part of Zimbabwe. ZANU PF members vote for their party, come rain come thunder. It is dishonest, nay, mischievous for any opposition party to claim that it enjoys the support of ZANU PF members. It is just wishful thinking based on misplaced faith. Without membership, as opposed to mere supporters, no opposition party in Zimbabwe can legally unseat ZANU PF. Elections in Zimbabwe will remain a token ritual for permanent victors versus permanent losers.
Zimbabwean opposition parties are top heavy with fully packed executive structures presiding over a handful of members. Such untenable setups keep them in perennial danger of toppling under their own weight like the proverbial humpty dumpty. Leadership in a political party is a basic requirement, no doubt about that, but without prioritizing membership growth, leadership is dead in the water. An election is a game of numbers – numbers that membership can provide even before one bothers to contest. When MDC leader Douglas Mwonzora pulled out of the presidential race in August 2023, he must have realistically considered certain numbers. Numbers do not lie and anyone who defies them faces the wrath of defeat where victory means everything.
The establishment of a political party follows a simple and logical formula. It starts with a cause or ideology and recruiting like-minded individuals as members. These are factory settings that cannot be wished away by any political outfit. With members, resources mobilization becomes a passive process. By parting with just a dollar as monthly subscription, a party with a million members can effortlessly raise 12 million dollars in a year. That is a sizeable sum for a political party, enough to cover running costs and continuous membership recruitment. Some of the million devoted members have spouses and dependents eligible to vote. Two million votes can be envisaged before supporters are lured to provide unknown extras on the final tally of ballots cast.
To illustrate this piece, a simple look at Mr Mwonzora’s MDC will suffice. A storm is brewing at the party’s Harvest House headquarters in Harare. Party workers have reportedly gone for several months without salaries and allowances. Having an imposing building for a party office is not enough to keep the ship floating. Nothing beats the need to draw in new members and then derive resources and leadership from their numbers. Why this is news to some political parties just boggles the mind. In the end, efforts to dislodge ZANU PF from power boil down to structural fundamentals with regards to organization, strategy and staying the course. Until this stubborn fact is accepted by the opposition, regime change will remain a pipe dream. Chastising ZANU PF alone while treating opposition parties as sacred cows is breeding a crop of lazy politicians.
Next time, let us discuss the role of citizens.
